Reflexos de uma trajetória intelectual conjunta ao longo de décadas – uma homenagem ao Joaquim Feio
Capítulo 4 – A quem servem os modelos de macroeconomia – os impasses da esquerda americana
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Nota de editor: em virtude da extensão e organização deste texto, o mesmo é editado em 6 partes:
Nota dos autores e Prefácio
Introdução
Empoderar e formar os trabalhadores
Investir na América
Promover a Concorrência
Conclusão e Referências bibliográficas
Hoje publicamos a sexta e última parte, “Conclusão” e as Referências bibliográficas.
Seleção e tradução de Júlio Marques Mota
4 min de leitura
Texto 10 – Uma vaga de mudanças: Como uma Nova Teoria Económica se está a impôr (6/6)
Por Felicia Wong, Suzanne Kahn, Mike Konczal e Matt Hughes
Publicado por
em 16 de Novembro de 2023 (original aqui)
Neste relatório, procuramos oferecer uma análise das pessoas, instituições e história que nos levaram a este momento na formulação de políticas económicas. Desde o Green New Deal ao plano de resgate Americano, analisamos os principais momentos económicos e o que foi realizado e o que resta a fazer se quisermos ver uma transição sustentada para uma governação económica mais progressista.
(conclusão)
CONCLUSÃO
Na última década, e com uma velocidade particularmente incrível nos últimos três anos, os fundamentos ideológicos da formulação de políticas mudaram. A agenda económica do Presidente Joe Biden fornece um indicador de até onde chegámos. E também mostra até onde temos de ir.
Como defendemos neste relatório, o poder sindical dos trabalhadores está em ascensão, impulsionado pela economia do pleno emprego que vemos agora nos Estados Unidos. Mas para um reequilíbrio mais estável das forças económicas, precisamos de uma reforma da lei do Trabalho para que os trabalhadores possam exercer o seu direito de ingressar num sindicato sem medo de perder os seus empregos. A política de concorrência tornou-se muito mais do que os preços ao consumidor, mas os grandes processos anti-trust contra gigantes como Amazon e Google estão nas suas primeiras fases, com os resultados longe de serem certos. Aumentar os impostos sobre os ricos e as grandes empresas é uma das nossas maiores alavancas para refazer a economia americana de maneiras que promovam o investimento em trabalhadores e famílias. O termo da validade dos cortes de impostos de Trump em 2017 deveria fornecer uma oportunidade real para avançar com um código tributário mais progressivo, e os progressistas devem estar prontos para aproveitar esse momento. E embora tenhamos visto vitórias políticas incríveis em infraestruturas, cadeias de abastecimento críticas e clima, as agências federais encarregadas de implantar essas vitórias permanecem neoliberais e muitas vezes esclerosadas. Isso enfraquece as nossas vitórias tanto substantivamente quanto narrativamente.
Talvez seja um sinal do sucesso dos progressistas que vozes mais conservadoras estejam a aderir a estas ideias e, em alguns casos, sendo delas um eco. O senador conservador J.D. Vance (R-OH) juntou-se à senadora progressista Elizabeth Warren (D-MA) na defesa de uma supervisão mais forte dos grandes bancos. O conservador senador Marco Rubio (R-FL) cita diretamente o trabalho do Instituto Roosevelt sobre as recompras de ações. Mas estes conservadores também se opõem ao ensino da história e da literatura, denunciando a teoria crítica da raça e apoiando a proibição de livros. Eles opõem-se à expansão de direitos, muitos dos quais são direitos económicos, na medida em que permitem mais participação da força de trabalho para imigrantes, mulheres e americanos transgéneros.
É um sinal encorajador para uma expansão mais ampla de boas ideias económicas que alguns centros de reflexão (think tanks) conservadores mais recentes são criativos em relação ao clima e à imigração, e explicitamente pró-trabalhadores e defensores de política pró-industrial (American Compass n.d.; Niskanen Center n.d.). Mas qualquer tentativa de implementar uma visão pró-trabalhadores, centrada na classe média para a nova economia sem os valores completos de inclusão racial e de uma visão expansiva para as mulheres do século 21, as crianças e as famílias correm riscos, ainda que involuntariamente, de um estado de bem-estar social que continuaria a privilegiar os americanos brancos. O presidente Biden sabe disso e demonstrou o seu compromisso com a equidade racial desde o primeiro dia com uma ordem executiva que implementa uma abordagem de todo o governo à equidade racial (Casa Branca 2021b). No entanto, este trabalho parece cada vez mais ser separado da agenda Bidenomics. Como este relatório mostrou, separar a agenda da equidade racial da agenda económica acabará por minar a economia progressista, pós-neoliberal, pela qual há muito nos batemos.
A nova economia também enfrenta outras ameaças reais. Num ambiente de onde “romper” com qualquer nova mensagem é uma tarefa monumental, a mensagem Bidenomics enfrentou sérios ventos contrários e muitas críticas nos media (Cancryn e Otterbein 2023). Mais fundamentalmente, e além das questões de slogans de ano eleitoral, os vestígios do neoliberalismo continuam a seguir e a moldar novas ideias políticas, e muito da agenda Bidenomics está a ser implementada através de créditos fiscais e apresentada como um benefício para os consumidores. Sabemos porque razão isso é assim: créditos fiscais, embora altamente imperfeitos como ferramenta de política, porque são difíceis direcionar ao alvo, são uma ferramenta mais facilmente acessível quando a maioria da legislação tem de ser adotada através do processo orçamental conhecido como “reconciliação”. E enquadrar a política em torno dos consumidores, com base na política que mantém os preços à baixa e fornece uma ampla gama de opções para os consumidores, é certamente uma continuação neoliberal (Kahn 2022). Este é um dos maiores riscos ao tentar aplicar novas políticas no mundo real quando uma nova visão de mundo ainda não está consolidada. O triunfo da democracia progressista na batalha de ideias de hoje dificilmente é um dado adquirido.
Para termos possibilidades de vencer, devemos transformar as indústrias e instituições que podem sustentar uma democracia robusta e oferecer resultados às pessoas, e garantir que o façamos com políticas equitativas e democráticas. Devemos estar atentos aos elementos culturais e emocionais deste trabalho, com foco nos resultados materiais e numa política que forneça um antídoto para o isolamento, a ansiedade e a insegurança que marcam a nossa era (Bhargava et al. 2023). E devemos estar sempre vigilantes na luta contra a extração empresarial e no apoio às vozes dos trabalhadores na governança da nossa economia.
Devemos também dar crédito às muitas pessoas, fora e dentro do governo, que tornaram possível o progresso que já vimos. Há oito anos, quando publicámos Reescrevendo as Regras, não pensávamos que veríamos as nossas prioridades políticas tornarem-se tão centrais para a agenda política desde que o fizemos, desde salários mínimos mais elevados e apoio explícito aos sindicatos, a uma visão totalmente renovada da lei anti-trust e da abordagem governamental das mudanças climáticas.
As ideologias neoliberais, que moldaram o pensamento nas administrações republicanas e democráticas, estão a desmoronar-se. A nova visão do mundo ainda não nasceu plenamente. E embora as vitórias dos últimos três anos sejam significativas, garantir que o neoliberalismo seja totalmente desfeito e que uma nova e melhor economia política perdure será o projeto vital das próximas décadas.
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Os autores
Felicia Wong é a presidente e CEO do Instituto Roosevelt. A sua linha de investigação concentra-se no pensamento pós-neoliberal e na interseção de raça, economia e estratificação social; o seu trabalho apareceu no New York Times, no Washington Post, no Time, no The New Republic, no Democracy: A Journal of Ideas e no Boston Review. Ela lançou e co-escreveu o podcast How to Save a Country, e é co-autora do livro The Hidden Rules of Race: Barriers to an Inclusive Economy (Cambridge University Press, 2017). É doutorada em ciência política pela Universidade da Califórnia, Berkeley.
Suzanne Kahn é diretora de investigação e política do Instituto Roosevelt. Anteriormente, ela foi diretora de educação, empregos e poder dos trabalhadores do Instituto Roosevelt e diretora da Great Democracy Initiative. Antes de ingressar no Roosevelt, recentemente trabalhou como analista de pesquisa na SEIU 32BJ. Suzanne é doutorada em História Americana pela Universidade de Columbia e obteve a sua licenciatura pela Universidade de Yale. É autora de Divorce, American Style: Fighting for Women’s Economic Citizenship in a Neoliberal Era (Penn Press, 2021).
Mike Konczal é o diretor de análise macroeconómica do Instituto Roosevelt, onde se concentra na economia, na desigualdade e no papel do poder público em democracia. É autor de Freedom from the Market (New Press, 2021), e co-autor, com Joseph Stiglitz, de Rewriting the Rules of the American Economy (Instituto Roosevelt, 2015).
Matt Hughes é o vice-diretor de estratégia editorial do Instituto Roosevelt, onde lidera a equipe editorial na formação e produção de publicações, artigos de opinião, discursos e boletins informativos. Ele trabalhou recentemente no Roosevelt e no podcast How to Save a Country do New Republic, e foi anteriormente investigador no Gabinete de Joseph E. Stiglitz na Universidade de Columbia. Matt possui um Mestrado em política urbana e social pela Universidade de Columbia e licenciatura em economia e política pela Universidade de Nova York.

